Last month, a spokesman for the Arakan State military council told the media that there was enough oxygen to meet the state’s needs. About two weeks later, he acknowledged that Arakan State was relying on sources from mainland Myanmar to secure enough oxygen supply. Given this, the Arakan State military council’s penchant for deceit — or, viewed more charitably, its tendency to fall short of expectations — is not in doubt. 

It is even more worrying for women in the IDP camps, who are often living outside of the relative safety and security of their home communities. The threat of rape is a fear for many, on top of day-to-day concerns related to food, shelter and livelihoods. Those insecurities can also overlap and merge; bathing, using the restroom and foraging for food or firewood all come with added risk for IDP women. 

Sady, it has been this way for generations. Newspaper houses have been raided since the days of the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League, during the pre-military era of democracy in what was then Burma. 

It is not unusual for water shortages to arise in central Myanmar, where precipitation has historically been low for much of the year. But the annual water shortages that are increasingly the summertime norm in Arakan State, where average precipitation is significantly higher, is the result of poor management of water resources.  

The hot season has arrived with cuckoos signing sweet melodies. Ceylon ironwood, padauk and golden shower trees are in full bloom as Myanmar is celebrating the New Year. It is the tradition of the Buddhists to wash away their sins of the previous year and welcome the New Year merrily and refresh themselves.

Then in December of last year and again in January, DMG reporters who were simply doing their jobs were targeted in two separate lawsuits, facing erroneous allegations of defamation. Two of the three DMG journalists named in these lawsuits have since gone into hiding. They were not the first from DMG to do so, however: In May 2019, DMG Editor-in-Chief Aung Marm Oo went to ground after Special Branch police in Sittwe opened a meritless case against him under the Unlawful Associations Act. 

A new year has begun, and good riddance to its predecessor. The year 2020 was a nightmare for Arakan State, with its people beset by pandemic and continuing war; 2020 was marked by repeated gunfire and the displacement of tens of thousands more people, with hundreds of civilian injuries and fatalities. But New Year’s Day 2021 brought, potentially, a significant departure from last year. In the early going, we’d dare say things are looking auspicious in Arakan State.

The large number of children killed or injured by landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERW) in areas of armed conflict this year shows children in those places are in urgent need of protection. 

The activities of political parties have increasingly been populating the news feeds of social media users since the 2020 election date was announced last month. Despite the flurry of online activity, there are indications that this general election may attract the lowest interest of any of the three polls to be held since the 2008 Constitution was enacted. This is admittedly speculation, but DMG argues that it is informed speculation, based on sentiment on the ground in Arakan State.

As Myanmar’s November 8 general election draws nearer, the official campaign period is in its second week. But political parties in Arakan State report struggling to conduct their campaigns amid ongoing conflict and the coronavirus pandemic, which is also expected to depress interest in the election and, ultimately, voter turnout.

The Union Peace Conference – 21^st Century Panglong is scheduled to be held in Nay Pyi Taw from August 19-21. The Northern Alliance, including the Arakan Army, was invited to previous Union Peace Conferences, but this time, the government has said it will not invite the ethnic armed group, which it has designated as a terrorist organisation.

In townships across Arakan State, people with disabilities and the elderly are often left stranded in villages beset by conflict when other, more able-bodied residents flee clashes or the threat thereof. 

Arakan State, where fierce clashes are ongoing between the Tatmadaw and the Arakan Army, has seen a gradual rise in its coronavirus case count, which now stands at 12 confirmed positives. Though that accounts for only 4% of the country’s 299 total patients, it is the second-highest number of cases after Yangon Region.

Shooting, shellings, and fear have forced many from their homes. Yet harsh and difficult conditions await, as internally displaced people (IDPs) are forced to seek refuge in poorly built shelters, schools and monasteries. 

The number of people infected with coronavirus continues to climb and the body count from the deadly virus rises day by day across the globe. Meanwhile, the number of confirmed coronavirus cases in Myanmar had reached 14 as of March 30, with the Myanmar government stepping up its preventive measures as the disease also known as COVID-19 shows little sign of abating in the near term.

Although tensions have remained part of life among the Muslim and Arakanese communities of Arakan State since inter-religious violence scarred the geopolitical landscape in 2012, it can be said that the two communities are living in relative harmony these days.  

“Arakanese people want the Union government to give consideration to their voices before deciding to sign agreements for Chinese projects.”

Arakan State has complicated affairs and is experiencing civil unrest and ethnic injustices. Thus, a comment or a post of an influential person on Facebook receives public interest more than other posts because of the person’s social standing.

The government provides K300 for each refugee for a day, but it is not enough for a person’s daily expenses. Meanwhile the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and World Food Programme (WFP) provide humanitarian aid in limited amount and only with permission from regional authorities.