The year 2022 has come to an end and the New Year has begun. Like other parts of Myanmar, Arakan State faced bloodshed and crises over the past year.

The fighting flared, according to local residents, because junta troops and border guard police attempted to encroach on AA-controlled areas on the pretext of border patrols to monitor the movement of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).

The Myanmar military, government and NCA signatories held the first session of the Union Peace Conference in August 2016 under the peace framework outlined by the NCA. In addition to the leaders of NCA signatories, representatives from some non-signatory EAOs addressed the conference. No official agreement was reached at the end of the conference, however.

The ALD held its first conference in October 1989 in Sittwe, during which a 15-member central executive committee was elected. The committee included U Oo Than Tun as patron, Dr. Saw Mya Aung as chairman, Dr. U Aye and U San Tun as vice chairs, U Aye Pe as general secretary, and U Aye Tha Aung as the joint general secretary.

The UWSA has continuously demanded an autonomous state. Rather than federalism and democracy, the UWSA is more interested in acquiring the official status of statehood. The Wa ethnic armed group has described the post-coup crisis as an internal issue of the Bamar ethnic people, and said it would not take sides as it does not want to see its involvement causing further conflict.

There are four reasons, or “traps,” why a country suffers from poverty, according to a book written by Paul Collier that was translated by writer Juu under the name “A Billion Bottoms.”  

For example, jade and gold are mined in Kachin State. Arakan State produces oil and gas. However, local people in these states are suffering from poverty and see very little of the benefits that their natural resource endowments should offer them.  

There have been a series of reports that top leaders of powerful political parties in Arakan State resigned following the February 1 military coup in Myanmar. Post-putsch, the stance of the Arakan National Party (ANP), which had established itself as the state’s leading ethnic political party, became a hot topic within the ANP and among the people, with some party members resigning in the weeks and months following the coup. 

Everyone now accepts that this is the age of knowledge. International education processes are evolving so fast that even in developed countries, education reforms are ongoing. The current education system is considered to be unable to adequately meet the demands of the knowledge age. 

Singapore, with a population of about 5 million, and Israel, with a population of just over 9 million, have now reached a high level of productivity as the two countries worked hard to develop skilled labour and human resources. Smaller but more populous countries are being used as commodities to become big markets. Under the leadership of wise leaders, these small nations have successfully turned a geopolitical weakness of small populations into strengths and overcome them. 

Border trade camps in Arakan State have been closed since July 15 to control the Covid-19 pandemic. When it comes to border trade with Bangladesh, it is officially exported from Shwe Mingan border trade camp in the Arakan State capital Sittwe and Kanyin Chaung border trade camp in Maungdaw Township. However, the spread of Covid-19 in Arakan State can partially be traced back to some returnees from Bangladesh. 

The ruling government must be able to maintain the stability of the archeological zone, and must be able to effectively manage the archeological site and enforce the archeological heritage protection law. At present, the government has been extremely weak in taking responsibility for protection of archeological sites in Myanmar. 

The Arakanese people had to fight the military and other opposing forces, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Due to the internet shutdown, we even had to fight for access to information. The end result was that more and more Arakanese people joined or otherwise supported the armed uprising. 

When I read Surveillance Hnin Maung novels, I wanted to be a detective. When I read Myaing Razar Tuppi cartoons, I wanted to be a hunter, hunting animals on the Pegu Range. When we were young, we used to read books and have vague thoughts. Books bring you into contact with the world, and books make hearts more beautiful. 

The first fourth months of 2021 in Myanmar were dominated by fallout from the military’s February 1 coup d’etat, after a relatively unremarkable January. Below we recap some of the major storylines and events out of Arakan State at a time of historic developments and unprecedented challenges. 

In a year dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic and its far-reaching health, social and economic impacts around the globe, Arakan State was no different. The viral menace came as a serious blow to Arakan’s people, many of whom were already displaced and distressed by armed conflict in the region.

Since independence and prior to the November 2020 general election, multi-party elections were held in Myanmar in 1951-52, 1956, 1960, 1990, 2010 and 2015. It is notable that elections could not be held at regular intervals, indicating a lack of political stability and poor governance in the country.

With the last few winners of the November 8 general election announced over the weekend, a fuller picture of Myanmar’s political landscape for the next five years is available. Because security concerns prompted the cancellation of voting in the northern half of Arakan State, southern Arakan saw tight contests between local Arakanese political parties and parties from the Burmese-majority areas of mainland Myanmar.

Currently, it cannot be denied that the military frame is wider than the political frame in Arakan State. More surprisingly, the civilian government, which claimed to prioritise national reconciliation, has not tried to end the ongoing civil war through political means.