If we count the years on our fingers, 59 years have already passed. It was August 13, 1967. Yet whenever I try to picture that day, the pain only deepens.

“The Myanmar military created the system that drove the Rohingya from their homeland. The Arakan Army must not be allowed to continue such persecution under a different flag.”

The day also recognizes the invaluable contributions of Indigenous Peoples in preserving cultural diversity, traditional knowledge, biodiversity, and environmental sustainability.

The recent joint military exercises between Myanmar's military junta and Russia have once again underscored the deepening military relationship between the two countries. Conducted in Naypyidaw over nearly two weeks, the exercises reportedly included counterterrorism operations, counter-drone warfare, tropical assault tactics and demonstrations of Russian military hardware.

A few days ago, I met a high school Burmese language teacher. At his home, I noticed a thick photocopied manuscript. Curious, I asked about it and learned that it contained draft texts selected by the Curriculum Development Committee of the Arakan National Education Department for use in the Grade 12 curriculum.

The people of Arakan must continue to hold on to Arakan rather than abandon it. We must endure hardships together and remain witnesses to the building of a new nation.

Today, I chose the phrase “The Political Shift in Arakan and the Echoes of the People.” What I want to discuss is the current situation in Arakan, the expectations of Arakan’s leaders, and the political and revolutionary trajectory of the Arakan people. In this article, I intend to briefly present the major realities I am currently observing.

What we call conservatism does not arise suddenly. It is rooted in a desire to preserve social stability and tradition. As a result, conservative customs and local practices exist in many communities. In villages, these are often formalized as “village rules,” or gama-panyat, norms that define what must and must not be done.

If I were to say that my grandmother, my mother’s mother, belongs to a generation that preserved the tradition of the kerosene lamp, it would be both fitting and accurate.

Bangladesh’s political landscape entered an extraordinary turning point in 2026. The fall of the Sheikh Hasina government, which had dominated power for nearly two decades, not only reshaped Bangladesh but also disrupted the geopolitical balance across South Asia.

A photograph of a burned body stripped of identity, stripped of pride, stripped even of sensation has painfully captured the public’s attention following the attack on the Darlatchaung prisoner-of-war detention camp.

“Are we Arakan people all going to become traders and merchants? Will our people stop studying altogether? It is impossible for an entire nation to live without education. One day, everyone will study again. No matter how long it takes, no matter how long we go without salaries, I will wait for that day.”

This raises important questions: could relations between Bangladesh’s new government and Arakan see a meaningful shift? What policy direction might Bangladesh’s ruling party take? And how might urgent issues, border stability, humanitarian access, and the Muslim/Rohingya refugee crisis evolve amid ongoing conflict in Myanmar?

In most wars, there are lines that even amid brutality are understood not to be crossed. Prisoners of war, their families, clinics, and detention facilities are supposed to be among them. In Arakan, Myanmar’s military has erased those lines from the sky.

The Rohingya crisis is often described as one of the world’s most protracted humanitarian emergencies. That description is accurate but incomplete. Today, the crisis is no longer confined to the violence of 2017 or the refugee camps of Cox’s Bazar.

The sound of aircraft engines and the sudden thunder of bombs became part of daily life for civilians who had little warning, nowhere to hide, and no meaningful protection.

People across Myanmar, facing war, poverty, and countless forms of suffering, are among the greatest victims of propaganda and information warfare. In the same way, Myanmar's democracy and human rights still feel like trying to catch a radio signal in the rainy season appearing and disappearing, cutting in and out, never stable.

As an initial step, it may be wise to use credible intermediaries-trusted political party representatives and civil society figures not directly affiliated with ULA (United League of Arakan)/AA-to open talks and create a channel to the Bangladesh government.

The promise he kept was not made to a person, a family, or an institution. It was made to the country. He did not swear an oath before witnesses. He carried it alone.